經(jīng)過大海的一番磨礪，卵石才變得更加美麗光滑。今天小編給大家?guī)砹?020年翻譯資格考試一級(jí)口譯實(shí)務(wù)材料，希望能夠幫助到大家，下面小編就和大家分享，來欣賞一下吧。
2020年翻譯資格考試一級(jí)口譯實(shí)務(wù)材料
常駐聯(lián)合國(guó)代表張軍大使在安理會(huì)中導(dǎo)問題公開會(huì)上的發(fā)言
Statement by Ambassador Zhang Jun at Security Council on Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty
2019年8月22日
22 August 2019
主席女士，
Madam President,
我認(rèn)真聽取了中滿泉副秘書長(zhǎng)所作通報(bào)。
I have listened carefully to the briefing by USG Nakamitsu.
The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF) signed between the US and the USSR in 1987 is an important treaty on arms control and disarmament. Taking strengthening strategic stability as its objective, the treaty effectively mitigated the arms race on intermediate-range missiles between the US and USSR in Europe and helped to enhance strategic mutual trust between major powers, ease international relations and advance nuclear disarmament process.
進(jìn)入新世紀(jì)以來，維護(hù)《中導(dǎo)條約》有效性，不僅對(duì)美俄兩國(guó)，也對(duì)國(guó)際和地區(qū)的和平與安全具有重要現(xiàn)實(shí)意義。美俄本應(yīng)通過對(duì)話協(xié)商妥善處理關(guān)于履約問題的分歧，切實(shí)維護(hù)條約有效性。但美國(guó)單方面退約導(dǎo)致條約失效，將對(duì)全球戰(zhàn)略平衡與穩(wěn)定、歐洲和亞太地區(qū)安全及國(guó)際軍控體系產(chǎn)生深遠(yuǎn)消極影響，國(guó)際社會(huì)應(yīng)對(duì)此保持清醒認(rèn)識(shí)。在《中導(dǎo)條約》問題上，中方已多次表明立場(chǎng)，拿中國(guó)作為退約借口是不可接受的。中方拒絕美方的無理指責(zé)。
Entering the new century, safeguarding the effectiveness of the INF treaty is of great practical significance not only to the United States and Russia but also to international and regional peace and security. The two countries should have properly handled differences over treaty compliance through dialogue and consultation to earnestly safeguard the effectiveness of the treaty. However, the unilateral withdrawal of the United States from the treaty led to the demise of the treaty, which will have a far-reaching negative impact on global strategic balance and stability, regional security in Europe and Asia as well as international arms control regime. The international community should be clear headed about this impact. On the INF issue, China has made clear its position on many occasions. It is unacceptable to use China as an excuse for leaving the treaty, and China rejects the baseless accusation by the United States.
主席女士，
Madam President,
當(dāng)今世界正經(jīng)歷百年未有之大變局，和平、發(fā)展、合作、共贏的時(shí)代潮流不可逆轉(zhuǎn)，和平力量的上升遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)因素的增長(zhǎng)。同時(shí)，國(guó)際安全面臨的不穩(wěn)定性不確定性更加突出。多邊主義是應(yīng)對(duì)共同挑戰(zhàn)的有效途徑，各國(guó)應(yīng)堅(jiān)定維護(hù)以國(guó)際法和《聯(lián)合國(guó)憲章》宗旨原則為核心的國(guó)際秩序，秉持共同、綜合、合作和可持續(xù)的新安全觀，充分尊重各國(guó)正當(dāng)合理安全關(guān)切，努力塑造和平穩(wěn)定的國(guó)際安全環(huán)境，推動(dòng)構(gòu)建人類命運(yùn)共同體。
The world today is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century. Peace, development and win-win cooperation remain the irreversible trends of the times, with forces for peace predominating over elements of war. At the same time, there are prominent destabilizing factors and uncertainties in international security. Multilateralism is the effective means to address common challenges. All countries should resolutely safeguard international order with international law and the purposes and principles of the UN Charter at its core, embrace a concept of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security, fully respect the legitimate security concerns of all countries, work hard for a peaceful and stable international security environment and promote a community of a shared future for mankind.
《聯(lián)合國(guó)憲章》賦予安理會(huì)維護(hù)國(guó)際和平與安全的重要職責(zé)，安理會(huì)成員應(yīng)展現(xiàn)責(zé)任擔(dān)當(dāng)，各國(guó)均應(yīng)避免采取損害別國(guó)安全利益的舉動(dòng)。美方在正式退出《中導(dǎo)條約》前即宣稱計(jì)劃加快中導(dǎo)研發(fā)和部署，并已于日前試射新型陸基巡航導(dǎo)彈。中方強(qiáng)烈敦促有關(guān)國(guó)家本著高度負(fù)責(zé)的態(tài)度，保持克制，切實(shí)維護(hù)現(xiàn)有軍控體系，維護(hù)全球戰(zhàn)略平衡與穩(wěn)定，維護(hù)國(guó)際和地區(qū)和平與安寧。這是國(guó)際社會(huì)的共同呼聲。
The UN Charter entrusts the Security Council with the important responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. Council members should earnestly fulfill their responsibilities in this regard. All countries should refrain from taking actions that undermine the security interests of other countries. Prior to its official withdrawal from the INF treaty, the United States already announced its plan to accelerate the development and deployment of intermediate range missiles. And lately, it conducted a test launch of land-based cruise missile. China strongly urges the relevant country to take a highly responsible attitude, exercise restraint and earnestly preserve the existing arms control regime in an effort to safeguard global strategic balance and stability and international and regional peace and security. This is the shared message from the international community.
退出《中導(dǎo)條約》是美國(guó)奉行單邊主義、推卸國(guó)際義務(wù)的又一消極舉動(dòng)，其真實(shí)目的是自我松綁、謀求單方面絕對(duì)軍事優(yōu)勢(shì)。中國(guó)始終奉行防御性的國(guó)防政策，擁有的陸基中程導(dǎo)彈全部部署在本國(guó)境內(nèi)，完全出于防御目的，不威脅任何國(guó)家。中方堅(jiān)決反對(duì)美國(guó)在亞太地區(qū)部署陸基中導(dǎo)，要求美方在此方面保持理性和克制。
Withdrawal from the INF treaty is yet another act of unilateralism and escape from international obligations by the United States. It is aimed at relieving restrictions and seeking absolute military advantage. China pursues a national defense policy that is defensive nature. China’s land-based intermediate range missiles are all deployed within the Chinese territory. It is for defense purposes only and poses no threat to any country. China firmly opposes US deployment of land-based intermediate range missiles in the Asia-Pacific and urges the United States to be cool-headed and exercise restraint.
主席女士，
Madam President,
國(guó)際軍控與裁軍條約體系是全球戰(zhàn)略平衡與穩(wěn)定的基石，與國(guó)際和平安全息息相關(guān)。核裁軍是《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》的三大支柱之一，是核領(lǐng)域全球治理的重要組成部分。各國(guó)應(yīng)遵循“維護(hù)全球戰(zhàn)略穩(wěn)定”和“各國(guó)安全不受減損”等原則，循序漸進(jìn)推進(jìn)核裁軍進(jìn)程。擁有最大核武庫的國(guó)家應(yīng)切實(shí)履行核裁軍特殊、優(yōu)先責(zé)任。我們支持俄羅斯在此方面作出的政治外交努力，支持并鼓勵(lì)俄羅斯和美國(guó)就戰(zhàn)略安全和雙邊核裁軍問題保持對(duì)話，致力于《美俄關(guān)于進(jìn)一步削減和限制進(jìn)攻性戰(zhàn)略武器措施的條約》延期，并繼續(xù)以可核查、不可逆、具有法律約束力的方式大幅削減核武庫，為推進(jìn)多邊核裁軍進(jìn)程創(chuàng)造必要條件。
The international arms control and disarmament treaty system, as the cornerstone of global strategic balance and stability, bears on international peace and security. Nuclear Disarmament, as one of the three pillars of the NPT, constitutes an important part of global governance in the nuclear field. All countries should follow the principles of “maintaining global strategic stability” and “undiminished security for all” and advance disarmament process in a step-by-step manner. Countries with the largest nuclear arsenals have special and primary responsibility for nuclear disarmament. We support the political and diplomatic efforts made by Russia, support and encourage Russia and the United States to maintain dialogue on strategic security and bilateral nuclear disarmament issues, commit themselves to the extension of the New START Treaty, continue to make substantive reduction in their nuclear arsenals in a verifiable, irreversible and legally binding manner with a view to creating necessary conditions for advancing multilateral nuclear disarmament processes.
我要強(qiáng)調(diào)，任何軍控談判都應(yīng)充分考慮各國(guó)整體軍事實(shí)力，并遵循“各國(guó)安全不受減損”這一國(guó)際軍控基本原則。中方已多次就所謂“中美俄軍控談判”提議表明立場(chǎng)，現(xiàn)階段中方無意也不會(huì)參加所謂“中美俄軍控談判”。
I must emphasize that for any arms control negotiation, it is imperative to fully consider the overall military capabilities of countries and follow the principle of “undiminished security for all”, a basic principle of international arms control. China has repeatedly stated its position on the so-called arms control negotiation with the United States and Russia. China has no interest and will not be part of it.
中國(guó)始終不渝奉行防御性國(guó)防政策，中國(guó)自衛(wèi)防御的核戰(zhàn)略完全透明，中國(guó)的核政策高度負(fù)責(zé)，中國(guó)的核武庫規(guī)模極為有限，從不對(duì)國(guó)際和平與安全構(gòu)成威脅。幾十年來，中國(guó)一貫積極參與聯(lián)合國(guó)、裁軍談判會(huì)議等多邊機(jī)制框架下的軍控磋商與談判，反對(duì)軍備競(jìng)賽，維護(hù)全球戰(zhàn)略平衡和穩(wěn)定。未來中方將繼續(xù)堅(jiān)定維護(hù)多邊主義，積極參與多邊軍控進(jìn)程，為維護(hù)國(guó)際和平與安全貢獻(xiàn)力量。
China unswervingly pursues a national defense policy that is defensive in nature. China’s nuclear strategy for self-defense is completely transparent and its nuclear policy is highly responsible. China’s nuclear arsenal is extremely limited in scale, and poses no threat to international peace and security. For decades, China has actively participated in arms control consultations and negotiations under multilateral mechanisms and frameworks including those of the United Nations and Conference on Disarmament. China opposes arms race and works to safeguard global strategic balance and stability. Moving forward, China will continue to firmly uphold multilateralism, actively participate in multilateral arms control processes to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security.
謝謝主席女士。
Thank you, Madam President.
2020年翻譯資格考試一級(jí)口譯實(shí)務(wù)材料
正本清源 捍衛(wèi)法治
Get the Fundamentals Right and Safeguard the Rule of Law
駐香港公署特派員謝鋒在2019年國(guó)際法論壇上的主旨演講
Keynote Speech by H.E. Mr. Xie Feng Commissioner of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China in the Hong Kong SAR at 2019 Colloquium on International Law
2019年8月15日
15 August 2019
尊敬的林鄭月娥行政長(zhǎng)官，
肯尼迪·加斯頓秘書長(zhǎng)、鄭若驊司長(zhǎng)，
黃進(jìn)會(huì)長(zhǎng)、梁定邦主席，
各位來賓、各位朋友：
The Honorable Chief Executive Carrie Lam,
Secretary General Prof. Dr. Kennedy Gastorn,
Secretary of Justice Teresa Cheng,
President Huang Jin,
Chairman Dr. Anthony Neoh,
Distinguished Guests,
Friends,
大家上午好!很高興再次應(yīng)邀出席國(guó)際法論壇。
Good morning. It gives me great pleasure to attend again the Colloquium on International Law.
國(guó)際法論壇連續(xù)四年在港舉行，充分體現(xiàn)了林鄭月娥行政長(zhǎng)官領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的特區(qū)政府對(duì)法治的重視，也體現(xiàn)了國(guó)際社會(huì)對(duì)香港法治的高度認(rèn)可。按照世界正義工程發(fā)布的“2019年法治指數(shù)”，香港法治水平在126個(gè)國(guó)家和司法轄區(qū)中位列第16位。
For the fourth consecutive year, the colloquium has been held in Hong Kong, which fully shows the importance the SAR Government led by Chief Executive Carrie Lam has attached to the rule of law, and the universal recognition of Hong Kong’s performance in this regard. According to the World Justice Project Rule of Law Index 2019, Hong Kong ranks 16th among 126 countries and jurisdictions.
令人痛心的是，一段時(shí)間來，一小部分激進(jìn)分子不斷升級(jí)暴力犯罪，不斷突破法律、道德、人性底線。外國(guó)勢(shì)力里應(yīng)外合包庇縱容，嚴(yán)重沖擊香港法治和社會(huì)秩序。在此時(shí)刻探討法治議題尤具現(xiàn)實(shí)意義。
To our great distress, however, some radical forces in Hong Kong have ramped up violent crime in recent months, which has gone beyond the limits of law, morality and humanity. To make things worse, some foreign forces have condoned and even colluded with them, seriously undermining law and order in the city. That makes our discussions here on the rule of law even more relevant.
我從事外交工作33年，本科攻讀的專業(yè)是國(guó)際法，愿借此機(jī)會(huì)與大家就近期共同關(guān)心的三個(gè)問題分享一些看法。
I’ve been in the diplomatic service for 33 years, but I was an international law major in my undergraduate years. So I’d like to take this opportunity to share with you my thoughts on three issues of common interest.
一、關(guān)于國(guó)際法上不干涉內(nèi)政的原則
First, on the non-intervention principle of international law.
主權(quán)平等和不干涉內(nèi)政是最根本也是最重要的國(guó)際法原則。17世紀(jì)初，國(guó)際法鼻祖格勞秀斯提出主權(quán)平等，強(qiáng)調(diào)國(guó)家無論大小強(qiáng)弱都擁有同等權(quán)利和義務(wù)，為威斯特伐利亞以降的國(guó)際關(guān)系奠定了基石。作為主權(quán)平等的必然要求，不干涉別國(guó)內(nèi)政原則應(yīng)運(yùn)而生。著名國(guó)際法學(xué)家瓦泰爾論述道：“國(guó)家自由與獨(dú)立的必然結(jié)果，就是她們有權(quán)以其認(rèn)為適當(dāng)?shù)姆绞竭M(jìn)行自我管理，任何國(guó)家都沒有絲毫權(quán)利去干涉別國(guó)內(nèi)政。在國(guó)家的所有權(quán)利中，主權(quán)無疑是最嚴(yán)肅的，其他國(guó)家必須給予最誠(chéng)敬的尊重?！?/p>
Sovereign equality and non-intervention are two fundamental principles of international law. In the early 17th century, Hugo Grotius, founding father of international law, proposed the principle of sovereign equality, which emphasizes that states, big or small, strong or weak, have equal rights and obligations, thus laying the foundation of post-Westphalian international relations. The non-intervention principle came into being as the necessary requirement of sovereign equality. As the renowned international lawyer Vattel argued, “It is an evident consequence of the liberty and independence of nations, that all have a right to be governed as they think proper, and that no state has the smallest right to interfere in the government of another. Of all the rights that can belong to a nation, sovereignty is, doubtless, the most serious, and that which other nations ought the most scrupulously to respect.”
主權(quán)平等和不干涉內(nèi)政已成為現(xiàn)代國(guó)際法基本原則和國(guó)際關(guān)系基本準(zhǔn)則?！堵?lián)合國(guó)憲章》第2條第1款規(guī)定“本組織(聯(lián)合國(guó))系基于各會(huì)員國(guó)主權(quán)平等之原則”，該條第7款又規(guī)定“本憲章不得認(rèn)為授權(quán)聯(lián)合國(guó)干涉在本質(zhì)上屬于任何國(guó)家國(guó)內(nèi)管轄之事件”。聯(lián)合國(guó)大會(huì)于1970年通過的《國(guó)際法原則宣言》進(jìn)一步明確：“每一國(guó)均有選擇其政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)、社會(huì)及文化制度之不可移讓之權(quán)利，不受他國(guó)任何形式之干涉”，“任何國(guó)家或國(guó)家集團(tuán)均無權(quán)以任何理由直接或間接干涉任何其他國(guó)家之內(nèi)政或外交事務(wù)”。聯(lián)大通過的其他國(guó)際宣言也指出：各國(guó)有義務(wù)避免利用和歪曲人權(quán)問題，以此作為對(duì)其他國(guó)家施壓，或在其他國(guó)家內(nèi)部制造猜忌和混亂的手段;有義務(wù)避免從事任何旨在干涉他國(guó)內(nèi)政的誹謗運(yùn)動(dòng)、污蔑或敵意宣傳;有義務(wù)避免以任何形式或任何借口采取任何動(dòng)搖或破壞另一國(guó)家穩(wěn)定或其任何制度的行動(dòng)或企圖。1975年歐洲安全與合作會(huì)議《赫爾辛基最終法案》也規(guī)定：“成員國(guó)將避免干涉另一成員國(guó)國(guó)內(nèi)管轄的內(nèi)外事務(wù)，無論這種干涉是直接或間接、單獨(dú)或集體行為，也無論有關(guān)成員國(guó)之間關(guān)系如何”。國(guó)際法院在尼加拉瓜訴美國(guó)的“軍事與準(zhǔn)軍事活動(dòng)”案判決中指出，不干涉內(nèi)政原則“是習(xí)慣國(guó)際法的一部分”。
Sovereign equality and non-intervention have been established as basic principles of modern international law and norms governing international relations. For example, Article 2, Paragraph 1 of the Charter of the United Nations states that “The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” Paragraph 7 of the same article provides that “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state.” The Declaration on Principles of International Law adopted by the UN General Assembly (UNGA) in 1970 further clarifies that “Every State has an inalienable right to choose its political, economic, social and cultural systems, without interference in any form by another State”, and that “No State or group of States has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any reason whatever, in the internal or external affairs of any other State.” Other declarations adopted by the UNGA also point out that States have the duties to “refrain from the exploitation and the distortion of human rights issues as a means of exerting pressure on other States or creating distrust and disorder within and among States or groups of States”, to “abstain from any defamatory campaign, vilification or hostile propaganda for the purpose of intervening or interfering in the internal affairs of other States”, and to “refrain from any action or attempt in whatever form or under whatever pretext to destabilize or to undermine the stability of another State or of any of its institutions”. The Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe in 1975 also stipulates that “The participating States will refrain from any intervention, direct or indirect, individual or collective, in the internal or external affairs falling within the domestic jurisdiction of another participating State, regardless of their mutual relations.” In the “Military and Paramilitary Activities” case (Nicaragua vs. U.S.), the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that the principle of non-intervention “is part and parcel of customary international law”.
外交和領(lǐng)事人員是派出國(guó)在接受國(guó)的官方代表，國(guó)際法對(duì)其職能有明確規(guī)定，要求他們不得干涉接受國(guó)內(nèi)政?！毒S也納外交關(guān)系公約》第41條和《維也納領(lǐng)事關(guān)系公約》第55條明確規(guī)定，外交和領(lǐng)事人員“負(fù)有尊重接受國(guó)法律規(guī)章之義務(wù)”，“并負(fù)有不干涉該國(guó)內(nèi)政之義務(wù)”。國(guó)際法院在解釋為何必須確立不干涉別國(guó)內(nèi)政原則時(shí)說，“這是因?yàn)榫褪挛锏谋举|(zhì)而言，(干涉別國(guó)內(nèi)政)總是最強(qiáng)權(quán)的國(guó)家所為，會(huì)輕而易舉地妨害國(guó)際正義”。一語道破干涉別國(guó)內(nèi)政的霸權(quán)實(shí)質(zhì)。
International law clearly defines the functions of diplomatic agents and consular officers who officially represent the sending State in the receiving State, requiring them not to interfere in the internal affairs of the receiving State. Article 41 of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and Article 55 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations stipulate that it is the duty of diplomatic agents and consular officers “to respect the laws and regulations of the receiving State”, and “not to interfere in the internal affairs of that State”. And as the ICJ explained, the principle of non-intervention was established “for, from the nature of things, it would be reserved for the most powerful States, and might easily lead to perverting the administration of international justice itself”. The observation lays bare hegemony at the core of intervention.
從過去到現(xiàn)在，包括中國(guó)在內(nèi)的許多發(fā)展中國(guó)家都深受外國(guó)強(qiáng)權(quán)干預(yù)之害。近期，個(gè)別國(guó)家粗暴干涉香港事務(wù)和中國(guó)內(nèi)政，甚至威脅取消香港的經(jīng)貿(mào)待遇、對(duì)特區(qū)政府官員進(jìn)行制裁。這些國(guó)家的副總統(tǒng)、外長(zhǎng)、議長(zhǎng)、議員、駐港領(lǐng)事等頻繁同“.”激進(jìn)勢(shì)力會(huì)面，睜著眼睛說瞎話，將暴力行為說成是“美麗的風(fēng)景”，顛倒黑白地詆毀誣陷香港警隊(duì)，無中生有地指責(zé)北京“侵蝕港人自治和自由”，恬不知恥地聲稱其外交官“同世界各國(guó)反對(duì)抗議人士會(huì)面，不只在中國(guó)香港”。這些人以赤裸裸的言行，公然蔑視不干涉內(nèi)政原則、公然踐踏國(guó)際法和國(guó)際關(guān)系基本準(zhǔn)則。
Throughout history, many developing countries including China have suffered a lot from intervention by foreign powers. As the most recent example, some countries have grossly interfered in Hong Kong affairs, which are China’s domestic affairs, and even threatened to cancel economic and trade privileges of Hong Kong and sanction SAR Government officials. Politicians of certain Western countries, including Vice President, Foreign Minister, House Speaker, Congressmen and consular officers in Hong Kong, have frequently met with radical activists calling for so-called “Hong Kong independence”. They have told blatant lies, applauded violence as “a beautiful sight to behold”, made unfounded allegations against the Hong Kong police, groundlessly accused Beijing of “encroaching on Hong Kong people’s autonomy and freedom”, and even boasted that their diplomats “meet with opposition protesters, not just in Hong Kong or China”. Such remarks and actions have flagrantly defied the principle of non-intervention, and trampled upon international law and basic norms governing international relations.
干預(yù)別國(guó)內(nèi)政的行為嚴(yán)重違反國(guó)際法，損害世界各國(guó)的共同利益，是世界動(dòng)亂的根源。我們呼吁國(guó)際上一切愛好和平、尊重法治的正義力量團(tuán)結(jié)起來，捍衛(wèi)包括不干涉內(nèi)政在內(nèi)的國(guó)際法基本原則和國(guó)際關(guān)系基本準(zhǔn)則，共同維護(hù)以國(guó)際法為基礎(chǔ)的國(guó)際秩序。
Intervention is a serious violation of international law, which puts common interests of all countries at risk and breeds chaos around the globe. We call on the forces for justice in the world who cherish peace and the rule of law to unite behind the basic principles of international law and norms governing international relations, including non-intervention, and jointly uphold the international order based on international law.
二、關(guān)于《中英聯(lián)合聲明》問題
Second, on the Sino-British Joint Declaration.
近期個(gè)別國(guó)家頻頻拿《中英關(guān)于香港問題的聯(lián)合聲明》說事，妄稱有權(quán)據(jù)此“監(jiān)督”香港事務(wù)。大家只要讀一讀《聯(lián)合聲明》，真相就會(huì)大白。
In recent months, certain countries have frequently cited the Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong to justify their right to “supervise” Hong Kong affairs. But anyone who has studied the instrument knows well such claims do not hold water.
首先，《聯(lián)合聲明》是中英間關(guān)于中國(guó)收回香港及有關(guān)過渡期安排的重要文件，其中沒有任何條款賦予英方干預(yù)回歸后香港事務(wù)的權(quán)利，而且涉及英方的條款均已履行完畢。
Firstly, the Joint Declaration is an important instrument between China and the UK on China’s resumption of the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong and arrangements for the transitional period. There is no single clause in it that grants the UK any right to interfere in Hong Kong affairs after its return, and all clauses concerning the UK have been fulfilled.
《聯(lián)合聲明》共有8條正文和3個(gè)附件。第1條規(guī)定中國(guó)對(duì)香港恢復(fù)行使主權(quán)，第2條規(guī)定英國(guó)將香港交還給中國(guó)。香港回歸后，這兩條已同時(shí)履行完畢。第3條及附件一是關(guān)于中方對(duì)香港基本方針政策的原則闡述及具體說明，但沒有任何涉及英方權(quán)利和義務(wù)的表述。第4至6條和附件二、附件三規(guī)定兩國(guó)在回歸過渡期的有關(guān)安排，包括雙方在香港的行政管理、中英聯(lián)合聯(lián)絡(luò)小組的設(shè)立和運(yùn)作、土地契約以及批約等事項(xiàng)。第7、8條是關(guān)于實(shí)施和生效的條款。這些規(guī)定隨著香港回歸和各項(xiàng)后續(xù)工作的完成也都已履行完畢。
The Joint Declaration consists of eight paragraphs and three annexes. Article 1 is about China’s decision to resume the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong. In Article 2, the UK states that it will restore Hong Kong to China. These two articles have been fulfilled upon the return of Hong Kong. In Article 3 and Annex 1, China elaborates its basic policies regarding Hong Kong, yet with not the least implication of UK’s rights and obligations. Articles 4, 5 and 6 and Annexes 2 and 3 provide for relevant arrangements during the transitional period, including the administration of Hong Kong, the establishment and operation of a Sino-British Joint Liaison Group, land leases and ratification. Articles 7 and 8 are about the implementation and entry into force of the instrument. All these provisions have been fulfilled with the return of Hong Kong and the completion of ensuing work.
第二，《聯(lián)合聲明》中的對(duì)香港基本方針政策及具體說明，系中方單方面政策宣示，純屬中國(guó)內(nèi)政，不是雙方協(xié)議內(nèi)容?！堵?lián)合聲明》第3條明確表示，“中華人民共和國(guó)決定在對(duì)香港恢復(fù)行使主權(quán)時(shí)，根據(jù)中華人民共和國(guó)憲法第三十一條的規(guī)定，設(shè)立香港特別行政區(qū)”。這表明，在港實(shí)施“一國(guó)兩制”的法律基礎(chǔ)是中國(guó)《憲法》，并非基于《聯(lián)合聲明》。
Secondly, the basic policies regarding Hong Kong elaborated in the Joint Declaration were proposed by China on its own and hence are completely China’s domestic affairs, rather than an agreement between the two sides. As Article 3 of the instrument clearly states, “The People’s Republic of China has decided to establish, in accordance with the provisions of Article 31 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, a Hong Kong Special Administrative Region upon resuming the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong.” It shows that the legal basis of implementing “One Country, Two Systems” in Hong Kong is China’s Constitution, instead of the Joint Declaration.
第三，《聯(lián)合聲明》更沒有任何條款規(guī)定英方在香港回歸后對(duì)香港承擔(dān)任何責(zé)任。英方因《聯(lián)合聲明》產(chǎn)生的與香港的法律聯(lián)系，最遲在中英聯(lián)絡(luò)小組2000年1月1日終止工作時(shí)已不復(fù)存在。英方無權(quán)再根據(jù)《聯(lián)合聲明》對(duì)香港提出新的權(quán)利或者責(zé)任主張。簡(jiǎn)言之，對(duì)于回歸后的香港，英國(guó)一無主權(quán)、二無治權(quán)、三無“監(jiān)督”權(quán)。
Thirdly, the Joint Declaration includes no clause that provides for British obligations to Hong Kong after the city’s return. All legal relations between the UK and Hong Kong created by the instrument had terminated by 1 January 2000 at the latest, when the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group ceased operation. The UK is not entitled to claim any new rights over or obligations to Hong Kong by citing the Joint Declaration. To be brief, the UK has no sovereignty, jurisdiction or right of “supervision” over Hong Kong whatsoever after the latter returned to China.
特別需要指出的是，《聯(lián)合聲明》只是中英間雙邊文件，內(nèi)容不涉及其他國(guó)家。根據(jù)一般國(guó)際法，其他國(guó)家和組織更是無權(quán)假借《中英聯(lián)合聲明》干涉香港事務(wù)。
It needs to be emphasized that the Joint Declaration is a bilateral instrument between China and the UK and does not concern any other country. According to general international law, other countries and organizations have no right to meddle with Hong Kong affairs on the pretext of the Joint Declaration.
三、關(guān)于“一國(guó)兩制”問題
Third, on “One Country, Two Systems”.
“一國(guó)兩制”是中國(guó)政府單方面的政策宣示，是基于國(guó)際法上主權(quán)平等原則以及和平解決爭(zhēng)端原則的主動(dòng)創(chuàng)造性實(shí)踐，是中國(guó)對(duì)國(guó)際法發(fā)展的重大貢獻(xiàn)。全面準(zhǔn)確理解“一國(guó)兩制”，必須把握好兩點(diǎn)：
The policy of “One Country, Two Systems” was put forward by the Chinese Government itself. It is a pioneering initiative based on the principles of sovereign equality and peaceful settlement of disputes in international law, and is a major contribution by China to developing international law. In order to fully and accurately grasp the policy, it is necessary to understand at least two points.
首先，要認(rèn)清中國(guó)《憲法》是香港特區(qū)的“根”和“源”。實(shí)行“一國(guó)兩制”的香港特區(qū)是根據(jù)中國(guó)《憲法》設(shè)立的。早在1982年，中國(guó)《憲法》就列入“國(guó)家在必要時(shí)得設(shè)立特別行政區(qū)”的規(guī)定，遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)早于1984年的《中英聯(lián)合聲明》?！痘痉ā肥恰耙粐?guó)兩制”的具體化和法制化。國(guó)家《憲法》和香港《基本法》共同構(gòu)成香港特區(qū)的憲制基礎(chǔ)，具有堅(jiān)實(shí)的政治基礎(chǔ)、充分的法理依據(jù)和成功的實(shí)踐經(jīng)驗(yàn)。只講某一方面或者把二者割裂開來、對(duì)立起來，都是不完整、不準(zhǔn)確的，也不符合香港回歸以來的實(shí)際情況。
Firstly, it is China’s Constitution that lays the very foundation of the HKSAR. The HKSAR where “One Country, Two Systems” is practiced was established according to China’s Constitution. As early as in 1982, two years before the Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed, China’s Constitution provides that “The state may establish special administrative regions when necessary.” The Basic Law of the HKSAR codifies the “One Country, Two Systems” policy into law with concrete provisions. Therefore, the Constitution of the PRC and the Basic Law of Hong Kong together constitute the constitutional basis of the HKSAR, which is supported by solid political and legal grounds and successful practices. Focusing solely on either of the laws or separating and even confronting the two is incomplete and misleading, and inconsistent with the reality since Hong Kong’s return.
第二，要把握好“一國(guó)”和“兩制”的關(guān)系?！耙粐?guó)”是“兩制”的基礎(chǔ)與前提，“兩制”是在“一國(guó)”之內(nèi)的“兩制”。香港《基本法》第1條就指出“香港特別行政區(qū)是中華人民共和國(guó)不可分離的部分”，第12條規(guī)定“香港特別行政區(qū)是中華人民共和國(guó)的一個(gè)享有高度自治權(quán)的地方行政區(qū)域，直轄于中央人民政府”。這說明，香港隸屬于國(guó)家，是中國(guó)的香港，不是獨(dú)立或半獨(dú)立的政治實(shí)體;中央對(duì)香港擁有全面管治權(quán)，香港依《基本法》享有高度自治。如果“一國(guó)”原則受到?jīng)_擊，“兩制”就無從談起。作為中國(guó)的一個(gè)地方行政區(qū)，香港肩負(fù)維護(hù)國(guó)家統(tǒng)一與領(lǐng)土完整、維護(hù)國(guó)家主權(quán)安全的憲制責(zé)任。任何危害國(guó)家主權(quán)安全、挑戰(zhàn)中央權(quán)力和基本法權(quán)威、利用香港對(duì)內(nèi)地進(jìn)行滲透破壞的活動(dòng)，都是決不能允許的。
Secondly, it is imperative to correctly understand the relationship between “One Country” and “Two Systems”. “One Country” is the foundation of and prerequisite for “Two Systems”, and “Two Systems” can only operate within the framework of “One Country”. Article 1 of the Basic Law makes it clear that “The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is an inalienable part of the People’s Republic of China”, and Article 12 provides that “The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be a local administrative region of the People’s Republic of China, which shall enjoy a high degree of autonomy and come directly under the Central People’s Government.” It fully demonstrates that Hong Kong is part of China rather than an independent or semi-independent political entity, and that the Central Government has overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong, while Hong Kong enjoys a high degree of autonomy under the Basic Law. Should the “One Country” principle be undermined, “Two Systems” would not materialize. As a local administrative region of China, Hong Kong has the constitutional responsibility of upholding national unity and territorial integrity, and defending national sovereignty and security. Any attempt to endanger China’s sovereignty and security, challenge the power of the Central Government and the authority of the Basic Law, or use Hong Kong to carry out infiltration and sabotage activities against the mainland is absolutely impermissible.
在“一國(guó)”基礎(chǔ)上，我們尊重“兩制”差異、善用“兩制”之利、依法在香港實(shí)行高度自治的立場(chǎng)也是明確的、一貫的，從來沒有也不會(huì)改變。
Our position is clear and consistent. We respect the differences between the “Two Systems” and well leverage their benefits on the basis of “One Country”, and ensure a high degree of autonomy in Hong Kong in accordance with law. This has not and will not change.
回顧150多年的英國(guó)殖民統(tǒng)治，沒有一任港督是由港人民主選舉產(chǎn)生，絕大部分時(shí)間立法機(jī)構(gòu)成員更是直接由港督任命。與之形成鮮明對(duì)比，香港回歸以后，港人依法當(dāng)家作主、自行管理特區(qū)自治范圍內(nèi)事務(wù)。香港居民前所未有地享有廣泛的民主權(quán)利和自由，任何不抱偏見的人都會(huì)承認(rèn)，這是無可否認(rèn)的事實(shí)。遺憾的是，仍有一些人昧著良心地主張某些香港從未存在過的所謂“權(quán)利”，反過來栽贓中國(guó)中央政府“侵蝕”這些“權(quán)利”，這些謬論于法律無據(jù)、于事實(shí)不符，再次暴露了他們的偏見、傲慢和虛偽。
Looking back at the more than 150 years when Hong Kong was under British colonial rule, one will find that no single Governor was democratically elected by the local people, and legislature members were directly appointed by the Governor most of the time. The people of Hong Kong today, by contrast, are their own masters and govern affairs within the limits of the SAR’s autonomy in accordance with law. It is an undeniable fact that Hong Kong citizens are enjoying unprecedented democratic rights and freedoms. Unfortunately, some people continue to claim “rights” that never existed in Hong Kong, and even accuse China’s Central Government of “eroding” these “rights”. Such argument is legally groundless and inconsistent with the reality, and has again exposed their prejudice, arrogance and hypocrisy.
各位朋友，
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Friends,
法治是社會(huì)正義、安全與秩序的根基，國(guó)際法治是捍衛(wèi)各國(guó)主權(quán)、維護(hù)世界和平、促進(jìn)共同發(fā)展的重要制度保障。
The rule of law is the cornerstone for justice, security and order of any society, and international law provides vital institutional guarantee for national sovereignty, world peace and common development.
當(dāng)前香港事態(tài)的本質(zhì)絕非所謂的人權(quán)、自由與民主問題，而是一些極端暴力分子裹挾不明真相者以反修例為幌子不斷升級(jí)暴力犯罪活動(dòng)，嚴(yán)重踐踏法治和社會(huì)秩序、嚴(yán)重威脅香港市民安全、嚴(yán)重破壞香港繁榮穩(wěn)定;是香港反對(duì)派和極端暴力分子企圖以暴力等非法手段顛覆特區(qū)合法政府、挑戰(zhàn)中央政府權(quán)威、動(dòng)搖香港“一國(guó)兩制”的憲制根基;是外國(guó)干預(yù)勢(shì)力踐踏國(guó)際法和國(guó)際關(guān)系基本準(zhǔn)則，粗暴干涉香港事務(wù)和中國(guó)內(nèi)政、破壞香港繁榮穩(wěn)定、損害中國(guó)主權(quán)與安全，企圖把香港作為一枚棋子，牽制和遏制中華民族偉大復(fù)興。
The essential problem in Hong Kong now is not about human rights, freedoms or democracy as some claim. It is, instead, about the attempt by certain violent extremists to coerce those who do not know the truth and ramp up violent crime on the pretext of opposing the amendments of the two ordinances related to fugitive transfer, seriously trampling upon law and order, threatening the security of the citizens, and damaging Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability. It is about the intention of the opposition and violent extremists to overthrow the legitimate SAR Government, challenge the Central Government’s authority, and undermine the constitutional basis of “One Country, Two Systems” in Hong Kong through illegal means such as violence. It is about gross foreign interference in Hong Kong affairs and China’s domestic affairs as a whole, violating international law and basic norms governing international relations with the aim of damaging Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability and China’s national sovereignty and security, and turning Hong Kong into a pawn to hold back China’s national rejuvenation.
當(dāng)前香港面臨回歸22年來最危險(xiǎn)、最嚴(yán)峻的局面，當(dāng)務(wù)之急和壓倒一切的任務(wù)，就是止暴制亂、恢復(fù)秩序。中央政府堅(jiān)定支持林鄭月娥行政長(zhǎng)官領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的特區(qū)政府依法施政，堅(jiān)定支持香港警隊(duì)和司法機(jī)構(gòu)果斷執(zhí)法、嚴(yán)正司法，堅(jiān)決支持絕大多數(shù)香港同胞反暴力、護(hù)法治、撐警隊(duì)的正義之舉。
As Hong Kong is facing the most dangerous and gravest situation since its return 22 years ago, the top priority is to stop violence, end the chaos and restore order. The Central Government firmly supports the SAR Government led by Chief Executive Carrie Lam in governing according to law, firmly supports the Hong Kong police and judiciary in decisively enforcing the law and fairly administering justice, and firmly supports the majority of Hong Kong compatriots in their just cause of opposing violence, upholding the rule of law, and supporting the police.
香港是中國(guó)的香港，香港事務(wù)純屬中國(guó)內(nèi)政。任何踐踏香港法治、破壞香港繁榮穩(wěn)定、沖擊“一國(guó)兩制”的暴力行徑，必將遭到法律的嚴(yán)懲。任何外國(guó)政府、組織或個(gè)人干預(yù)香港事務(wù)的行徑，必將遭到包括香港同胞在內(nèi)的全體中國(guó)人民的堅(jiān)決回?fù)?。任何阻撓中華民族復(fù)興的企圖，注定將遭到可恥的失敗。
Hong Kong is part of China, and its affairs are completely China’s domestic affairs. Any violent act to undermine the rule of law, damage the city’s prosperity and stability, and challenge “One Country, Two Systems” will meet with severe legal punishment. Any interference in Hong Kong affairs by foreign governments, organizations or individuals will be resolutely fought back by all Chinese people, including our Hong Kong compatriots. And any plot to hinder China’s national rejuvenation is doomed to fail.
我們相信，有“一國(guó)兩制”的獨(dú)特制度優(yōu)勢(shì)，有偉大祖國(guó)和內(nèi)地同胞作為堅(jiān)強(qiáng)后盾，有香港各界的和衷共濟(jì)，有熱愛和平、反對(duì)暴力、堅(jiān)守法治的國(guó)際社會(huì)正義之士的理解和支持，香港一定能夠克服眼前的困難，拂去一時(shí)的陰霾，“東方明珠”必將閃耀更加璀璨的光芒!
We are fully convinced that with the unique strength of the “One Country, Two Systems” framework, with the strong backing of the motherland and the people of the mainland, with the joint efforts of our Hong Kong compatriots, and with the understanding and support of the international forces for justice, including all our friends here, who love peace, oppose violence and cherish the rule of law, Hong Kong will surely overcome the temporary difficulties, and the “Pearl of the Orient” will shine even brighter.
最后，預(yù)祝本次論壇取得圓滿成功!謝謝大家!
In closing, I wish this colloquium a great success. Thank you.
