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2020年翻譯資格考試一級(jí)筆譯練習(xí)題
Constitutional Crises Bring Attention to European Monarchs
憲法危機(jī)引發(fā)人們對(duì)歐洲君主的關(guān)注
For most of the last 100 years, Europe’s royalty have mainly been known for big weddings and newspaper gossip. Now, that might be changing.
在過(guò)去的一百多年里，歐洲王室成員主要以大型婚禮和報(bào)紙八卦而聞名于世。
Spain’s King Felipe VI used his power to denounce Catalonian separatism. He called the leaders of the 2017 popular vote for independence from Spain criminals. He also said it was his constitutional duty to save national unity.
西班牙國(guó)王費(fèi)利佩六世動(dòng)用了他的影響力譴責(zé)加泰羅尼亞的分離主義。他稱2017年加泰羅尼亞獨(dú)立公投的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人是罪犯。他還表示，維護(hù)國(guó)家統(tǒng)一是他的憲法責(zé)任。
Recently, the British media has wondered if Queen Elizabeth II will be called upon to end a possible constitutional crisis. It could involve Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s plans to withdraw Britain from the European Union on October 31. Johnson said he will move forward with “Brexit” even if there is no official agreement with the EU.
最近，英國(guó)媒體很想知道英國(guó)女王伊麗莎白二世是否會(huì)被要求終止一項(xiàng)潛在的憲法危機(jī)。這可能涉及到英國(guó)首相鮑里斯·約翰遜計(jì)劃于10月31日退出歐盟。約翰遜表示，即便未同歐盟達(dá)成正式協(xié)議，他也將推進(jìn)英國(guó)脫歐。
Monarchs Face Political Crises, And Risks
君主面臨政治危機(jī)和風(fēng)險(xiǎn)
The two royal heads of state would appear to have little in common.
這兩位王室領(lǐng)導(dǎo)似乎沒(méi)有什么共同之處。
Elizabeth II has been Queen for 67 years. Felipe became King just five years ago after the abdication of his father, King Juan Carlos, who was restored to the throne by dictator Francisco Franco in 1969.
伊麗莎白二世已經(jīng)在女王位置上坐了67年。費(fèi)利佩于5年前在他的父親胡安·卡洛斯退位后成為了西班牙國(guó)王?？逅褂?969年被獨(dú)裁者弗朗西斯科·佛朗哥恢復(fù)王位。
They are relatives through Queen Victoria, who ruled the British Empire in the 1800s.
他們都是曾于19世紀(jì)統(tǒng)治大英帝國(guó)的維多利亞女王的親屬。
Political science professor William Ogilvie de la Vega of Franciso Marroquin University in Madrid said that both rulers are being asked to make political decisions. He said the reason is because elected politicians seem to be unable to do their jobs.
馬德里Franciso Marroquin大學(xué)的政治學(xué)教授威廉·奧格爾維·德拉維加表示，這兩位統(tǒng)治者都被要求做出政治決定。他說(shuō)原因是當(dāng)選的政治家似乎無(wú)法勝任其職。
The two monarchs remain as constitutional heads of state. They hold what former Spanish ambassador to Britain Federico Trillo-Figueroa describes as “sleeping powers.”
這兩位君主仍然是國(guó)家憲法意義上的元首。他們掌握了前西班牙駐英國(guó)大使費(fèi)德里科·特里洛-菲格羅亞所說(shuō)的“未覺(jué)醒的權(quán)力?！?/p>
Queen Elizabeth II has the power to start and end parliament and to sign legislation into law. She exercises those powers only at the request of the prime minister.
英國(guó)女王伊麗莎白二世有權(quán)啟動(dòng)和解散議會(huì)，以及將立法簽署為法律。她只是應(yīng)英國(guó)首相要求行使這些權(quán)力。
These powers “are normally exercised in an invisible way” Trillo-Figueroa told VOA.
特里洛-菲格羅亞對(duì)美國(guó)之音表示，(君主們)“通常是以無(wú)形的方式行使”這些權(quán)力。
But stepping into politics can cause problems.
但是涉足政治可能會(huì)導(dǎo)致問(wèn)題。
Queen Elizabeth II has the power to refuse Johnson’s request to suspend parliament’s session if ministers try to stop Britain’s EU withdrawal without an agreement. However, she would risk angering the most traditional parts of British society – and many of them voted to leave the EU in a 2015 popular vote. Officials at Buckingham Palace, the home of British monarchs, has said that the “will of parliament should be respected.”
如果內(nèi)閣部長(zhǎng)們?cè)噲D阻止英國(guó)無(wú)協(xié)議脫歐，約翰遜會(huì)提請(qǐng)女王暫停議會(huì)，伊麗莎白二世有權(quán)拒絕約翰遜的這一請(qǐng)求。然而她要冒著激怒英國(guó)社會(huì)最傳統(tǒng)勢(shì)力的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，他們中的大多數(shù)人在2015年公投中投票支持英國(guó)脫歐。英國(guó)王室所在的白金漢宮的官員表示：“議會(huì)的意愿應(yīng)該得到尊重。”
A top supporter of Brexit, Nigel Farage, then released an attack on the royal family.
英國(guó)脫歐的一位高層支持者奈杰爾·法拉格隨后對(duì)王室發(fā)表了攻擊言論。
King Felipe similarly earned the anger of Catalan nationalists by openly supporting the federal government’s direct rule over Catalonia. Barcelona Mayor Ada Colau opposes Catalan independence, but she stays away from the king when he comes to Spain’s second largest city. Felipe is usually met with protests in the Catalan capital.
費(fèi)利佩國(guó)王公開(kāi)支持聯(lián)邦政府對(duì)加泰羅尼亞的直接統(tǒng)治同樣招來(lái)了加泰羅尼亞民族主義者的憤怒。巴塞羅那市長(zhǎng)阿達(dá)·科洛反對(duì)加泰羅尼亞獨(dú)立，但是當(dāng)費(fèi)利佩國(guó)王來(lái)到了巴塞羅那這座西班牙第二大城市時(shí)，她與國(guó)王保持了距離。費(fèi)利佩在加泰羅尼亞首府巴塞羅那通常會(huì)遇到抗議。
The newspaper El Mundo reported that former Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy advised against a royal televised speech during the crisis in Catalonia. In the speech, Felipe accused Catalan officials of acting with unacceptable “disloyalty,” before the government officially charged them with sedition and rebellion.
《西班牙世界報(bào)》報(bào)道稱，前首相馬里亞諾·拉霍伊不贊成王室在加泰羅尼亞危機(jī)期間的一次電視講話。在西班牙政府正式指控加泰羅尼亞官員煽動(dòng)叛亂之前，費(fèi)利佩國(guó)王就在這次講話中指責(zé)他們采取了令人無(wú)法接受的不忠行為。
But Raquel Casviner Ca?ellas of the Catalan Civic Union said the king needed to speak to Spanish unionists who felt that the central government had been too weak.
但是加泰羅尼亞公民聯(lián)盟的拉奎爾·卡斯維納·卡納拉斯表示，國(guó)王需要與西班牙統(tǒng)一主義者對(duì)話，他們認(rèn)為中央政府過(guò)于軟弱。
Felipe’s father, Juan Carlos, helped the country move to democracy after the death of Franco. He later helped stop an attempt by the military in 1981 to seize power.
費(fèi)利佩的父親卡洛斯在佛朗哥去世后幫助西班牙走向了民主。他隨后還協(xié)助阻止了1981年軍方試圖奪權(quán)政權(quán)的企圖。
The younger generations of royals also seem to be more interested in politics. Prince Harry’s wife Meghan Markle, Duchess of Sussex, has been criticized for her political opinions in a coming article she edited for British Vogue, titled “Fifteen forces for change.”
年輕一代的王室成員似乎對(duì)政治更感興趣。哈里王子的妻子、蘇塞克斯公爵夫人梅森·馬克爾為英國(guó)《時(shí)尚》雜志編輯了一篇題為《15種變革力量》的文章，她在這篇即將發(fā)表的文章中表現(xiàn)出來(lái)的政治觀點(diǎn)就受到了批評(píng)。
2020年翻譯資格考試一級(jí)筆譯練習(xí)題
域外大國(guó)干擾是南海和平穩(wěn)定的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)源
Real Risks to Peace and Stability in the South China Sea Come from Power Outside the Region
駐歐盟使團(tuán)團(tuán)長(zhǎng)張明大使在歐盟媒體發(fā)表署名文章
Ambassador Zhang Ming, Head of Chinese Mission to the EU Published a Signed Article on Euobserver
2019年8月22日
22 August 2019
近期，個(gè)別域外大國(guó)罔顧南海局勢(shì)持續(xù)向好的事實(shí)，就所謂南海“緊張局勢(shì)”無(wú)端指責(zé)中國(guó)，歐盟高官也表達(dá)了關(guān)切。為了讓歐洲讀者更加全面認(rèn)知南海問(wèn)題，我愿意向廣大朋友們講講南海的故事。
從“南中國(guó)?！钡拿挚梢钥闯觯虾Ｔ谥袊?guó)大陸的南面。中國(guó)是最早發(fā)現(xiàn)和命名南海諸島的國(guó)家，也是最早開(kāi)發(fā)利用南海的國(guó)家。早在公元8世紀(jì)，歐洲進(jìn)入中世紀(jì)不久，中國(guó)就開(kāi)始對(duì)南海進(jìn)行管轄。中國(guó)和南海沿岸國(guó)交往密切，人民世代友好。直到20世紀(jì)前，中國(guó)對(duì)南海諸島的主權(quán)從未遭遇任何挑戰(zhàn)。
二戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后，中國(guó)使用美國(guó)提供的軍艦，收復(fù)了日本非法侵占的南海諸島，在島上舉行接收儀式并派兵駐守。作為二戰(zhàn)后國(guó)際秩序的組成部分，中國(guó)對(duì)南海諸島的主權(quán)得到國(guó)際社會(huì)廣泛承認(rèn)。但隨著南海發(fā)現(xiàn)油氣資源，一些沿岸國(guó)開(kāi)始在南沙奪島占礁，提出海洋權(quán)益訴求，導(dǎo)致南海出現(xiàn)爭(zhēng)端。盡管如此，中國(guó)致力于同有關(guān)國(guó)家談判解決爭(zhēng)議，聚焦海上務(wù)實(shí)合作，切實(shí)維護(hù)了南海的和平穩(wěn)定，維護(hù)了地區(qū)國(guó)家的發(fā)展繁榮。
世上本無(wú)事，總有人為謀取私利而到處挑撥離間、惹事生非，南海也未能幸免。個(gè)別域外大國(guó)，唯恐南海不亂，蓄意炒作南?！熬o張局勢(shì)”，指責(zé)中國(guó)在南?！案丬娛禄?。殊不知中國(guó)在自己領(lǐng)土上部署必要防御設(shè)施，本就是國(guó)家的合法權(quán)利。這個(gè)大國(guó)有世界上最強(qiáng)大的軍事力量，在全世界有數(shù)百個(gè)軍事基地。其不斷在南海搞軍事演習(xí)，派大型軍艦搞“航行自由”行動(dòng)，把南海當(dāng)作大國(guó)博弈的戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)，才是南海局勢(shì)緊張的重要根源。
個(gè)別域外大國(guó)總喜歡講南海問(wèn)題，但在一些多邊場(chǎng)合，其國(guó)家代表發(fā)完言就揚(yáng)長(zhǎng)而去，不愿傾聽(tīng)地區(qū)國(guó)家對(duì)南海和平穩(wěn)定的關(guān)切?？梢哉f(shuō)，這個(gè)大國(guó)所關(guān)心的南海問(wèn)題，同中國(guó)和東盟國(guó)家所關(guān)心的南海問(wèn)題，根本就不是同一個(gè)問(wèn)題。這個(gè)大國(guó)的真實(shí)目的是攪渾南海，為維持地區(qū)軍事存在找借口，維護(hù)亞太霸權(quán)和海洋霸主地位。
個(gè)別域外大國(guó)言南海必稱“航行自由”問(wèn)題，然而這個(gè)問(wèn)題在南海根本就不存在。中國(guó)對(duì)外貿(mào)易和能源運(yùn)輸?shù)?0%以上通過(guò)南海，中國(guó)比任何國(guó)家更關(guān)心南海航行自由。事實(shí)是，每年有十幾萬(wàn)艘商船通行南海，從沒(méi)有一艘遇到過(guò)航行自由問(wèn)題。這些域外大國(guó)天天喊“航行自由”，想要的莫不是亂闖別國(guó)領(lǐng)海的“橫行自由”?
南海地區(qū)國(guó)家有維護(hù)和平穩(wěn)定與推動(dòng)地區(qū)合作的共同意愿。中國(guó)不會(huì)任由領(lǐng)土主權(quán)和地區(qū)安全受到侵害，也不會(huì)坐視域外大國(guó)攪亂南海秩序。希望域外國(guó)家尊重地區(qū)國(guó)家的意愿和選擇，多發(fā)揮建設(shè)性作用，不要為一己私利，也不要人云亦云，成為威脅南海和平穩(wěn)定的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)源。
域外大國(guó)干擾是南海和平穩(wěn)定的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)源
Real Risks to Peace and Stability in the South China Sea Come from Power Outside the Region
駐歐盟使團(tuán)團(tuán)長(zhǎng)張明大使在歐盟媒體發(fā)表署名文章
Ambassador Zhang Ming, Head of Chinese Mission to the EU Published a Signed Article on Euobserver
2019年8月22日
22 August 2019
Recently, despite the continued improvement in the situation in the South China Sea, a major power outside the region has kept making unwarranted accusations against China over the so-called “tensions” in the South China Sea. Senior EU officials have expressed similar concerns. To help European readers get a full picture of the South China Sea issue, I wish to share with you the other side of the story.
As its name suggests, the “South China Sea” is to the south of the Chinese mainland. China was the first country to discover, name and develop the South China Sea islands. As early as in the 8th century, shortly after Europe entered the Middle Ages, China started administering the South China Sea. China has maintained close exchanges with the littoral states of the South China Sea and has enjoyed friendship with peoples of these countries from generation to generation. Before the 20th century, China’s sovereignty over the South China Sea islands had never been challenged.
After the end of World War II, China used naval ships provided by the United States and recovered the South China Sea islands illegally occupied by Japan. On the islands, the takeover ceremonies were held and troops started to be stationed. As part of the post-war international order, China’s sovereignty over the South China Sea islands has been widely recognized by the international community.
However, with the discovery of oil and gas resources in the South China Sea, some littoral states have sought to seize islands and reefs in the Nansha Islands, and made claims to maritime entitlements, leading to disputes in the South China Sea. That being said, China has been committed to settling the disputes through negotiation with the countries directly concerned, and focusing on practical maritime cooperation. Such efforts have contributed to the overall peace and stability in the South China Sea as well as development and prosperity of countries in this region.
We would deserve a more peaceful world, were it not for the instigation and trouble-making of some forces for their own agenda. The South China Sea is unfortunately no exception. A major power outside the region has deliberately hyped up the so-called “tensions” in the South China Sea and accused China of “militarizing” the region. The fact is that China has every legitimate right to deploy necessary defence facilities on its own territory. That major power, with the world’s most powerful military forces and hundreds of military bases across the world, has kept staging military exercises in the South China Sea and sent large warships there for the so-called “freedom of navigation” operations, trying to turn the South China Sea into an arena for major-power wrestling. This is THE source of tensions in the South China Sea.
That major power enjoys raising the South China Sea issue. Yet on some multilateral occasions, its representatives would take the exit immediately after finishing what they had to say, giving little heed to the call of the littoral countries for peace and stability in the South China Sea. It is fair to say that when it comes to the South China Sea issue, that major power cares about things totally different from those of China and ASEAN countries. Its real agenda is to muddy the waters and seek excuses to justify its military presence in the region, in order to uphold its hegemony in the Asia-Pacific and maritime supremacy the world over.
That major power always questions the “freedom of navigation” in the South China Sea, but there is nothing to question at all. More than 60% of China’s foreign trade and energy supplies pass through the South China Sea, so China has a greater stake in the freedom of navigation than any other country. The reality is that more than 100,000 merchant ships pass through these waters every year and not a single vessel has ever run into any problem with the freedom of navigation. When a major power outside the region talk about the freedom of navigation, does it mean to have a license to do whatever it wants in other countries’ territorial waters? This might be the real question.
Littoral states share the commitment to maintaining peace and stability and promoting cooperation in the South China Sea. China would not allow its territorial sovereignty and regional security to be undermined, nor would it allow any major power outside the region to muddy the waters. It is our hope that countries outside the region could respect the wishes and choices of countries in the region and play a more constructive role. Any attempt to impose one’s own selfish agenda or blindly follow suit from the outside would only pose real risks to peace and stability in the South China Sea.
2020年翻譯資格考試一級(jí)筆譯練習(xí)題
Climate Change: A Race We Must Win
We face a new era of climate crisis. July 2019 is the hottest month on record, and we are on track for 2015 to 2019 to be the five hottest years in human history. The level of CO2 in the atmosphere is at its highest point in human history; climate-related devastations strike more often than ever, with droughts, hurricanes, heatwaves and landslides regularly attacking our planet, bringing high tolls and casualties, causing huge economic loss to countries and to individuals, particularly affecting the most vulnerable in societies. The latest report of UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific shows that natural disasters in the region are currently responsible for economic losses of up to US$675 billion annually and affecting close to 150 million people.
The clock is ticking. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, we need to collectively ensure that global temperature rise does not go beyond 1.5 degrees. This means we must reduce emissions by 45 percent by 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality by 2050. Such goals might seem too ambitious, but climate change is not a standalone issue that can be ignored given the profound implications it has for all countries and all peoples, including the young generation who will be living with the ever-increasing consequences of global warmings.
Faced with this reality, it is impossible to ignore that human development can only flourish if the natural world flourishes. This is the premise of the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals that have become more urgent looking forward to the next decade. How can we as the global community work together as one?
To boost ambition, reinforce strong political will and encourage concrete actions to implement the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, the UN Secretary-General António Guterres will host the 2019 Climate Action Summit on 23 September during the UN General Assembly. The Summit will bring together governments, the private sector, civil society, local authorities and other international organizations to develop ambitious solutions in six areas: a global transition to renewable energy; sustainable and resilient infrastructures and cities; sustainable agriculture and management of forests and oceans; resilience and adaptation to climate impacts; and alignment of public and private finance with a ‘net zero’ economy. The message is clear: we need concrete, realistic plans to enhance countries’ nationally determined contributions by 2020, in line with reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 45 per cent over the next decade, and to achieve ‘net zero’ emissions by 2050.
As the second largest economy in the world, China has played a critical part in committing to the Paris Agreement and its leadership and commitment is crucial in achieving the goals. The country has made remarkable progress in developing its green economy, with more than US$125 billion dollars’ investment in renewable energy in 2017. New renewable energy jobs in China now outnumber those created in the oil and gas industries. Under the 13th Five-Year Plan, China has already exceeded full three per cent of its target, to reduce energy intensity by 15 percent. The country is also the global leader in the adoption of electric buses, with an estimation of 18% of China’s total bus fleet being electrified according to research from Bloomberg New Energy Finance. This demonstrates a significant increase in the importance of non-fossil fuel from previous five-year plan targets. The benefits China has reaped from fostering its renewable energy sector and the green economy also offer a prime counter-example to the mistaken belief that economic vitality and growth is incompatible with efforts to combat climate change.
As the global challenge that does not respect national borders, climate change is an issue that requires solutions to be coordinated at the international level, with demand for all developed countries taking up greater responsibilities, and for developing countries moving toward low-carbon economy. In the meantime, as the world’s most populous country and one of the largest carbon emitters, China can play an even more vital role in tackling global climate change by maximizing its enormous potential for emission reduction and accelerating the current positive.
The UN is committed to working with the government of China, the private sector, NGOs, youth and other key stakeholders to support climate change reduction efforts in China, to raise awareness and build the next generation of climate leaders, as well as China’s growing support to other developing countries. Under initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative, UN and China can work closely together to make the best use of the investment in infrastructure to promote the transition from fossil fuel-intensive economy to green and low-carbon economy in developing countries and ensure the initiatives are in line with sustainable development goals. South-South Cooperation can also facilitate the exchanges of climate solutions – bringing China’s successful practices to developing world and customize the methodology to best serve the local context and needs. Considering the scale of China’s commitments, the potential impact these global engagements will have is unparalleled. Therefore, the UN is ready to continue its partnership with China to ensure that an agenda of environmental sustainability, of climate change mitigation and resilience is placed first and foremost at the head of China’s global development initiatives and investments.
Climate change is running faster than we are and we need to have a much more ambitious approach in what we do in order to defeat climate change – as this is a race that we can and must win.
氣候變化：一場(chǎng)我們必須打贏的比賽
我們面臨著氣候危機(jī)的新時(shí)代。2019年7月是有記錄以來(lái)最熱的一個(gè)月，2015年至2019年有望成為人類歷史上最熱的5年。大氣中的二氧化碳含量達(dá)到了人類歷史上的最高點(diǎn)。與氣候變化有關(guān)的自然災(zāi)害比以往任何時(shí)候都更加頻繁，干旱、颶風(fēng)、熱浪和山體滑坡的頻發(fā)造成了大范圍人員傷亡，給許多國(guó)家和人民造成了巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)損失，尤其是社會(huì)中最脆弱的群體受影響最為嚴(yán)重。聯(lián)合國(guó)亞太經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)委員會(huì)最新報(bào)告顯示，該地區(qū)自然災(zāi)害造成的經(jīng)濟(jì)損失高達(dá)每年6750億美元，影響近1.5億人。
時(shí)間一分一秒地過(guò)去。政府間氣候變化專門(mén)委員會(huì)(Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change)的報(bào)告表明，我們需要共同確保全球氣溫上升不超過(guò)1.5攝氏度。這意味著我們必須在2030年前減少45%的排放量，并在2050年前實(shí)現(xiàn)碳中和。這些目標(biāo)似乎過(guò)于雄心勃勃，但考慮到氣候變化對(duì)所有國(guó)家和人民所產(chǎn)生的深遠(yuǎn)影響，全球變暖日益嚴(yán)重所產(chǎn)生的后果年輕一代將首當(dāng)其沖，我們絕不能將氣候變化孤立開(kāi)來(lái)，不能小覷其可能產(chǎn)生的后果和影響。
面對(duì)氣候變化的現(xiàn)實(shí)，我們需要清醒地認(rèn)識(shí)到，人類的發(fā)展只有在自然界繁榮的情況下才能蓬勃發(fā)展。這是聯(lián)合國(guó)可持續(xù)發(fā)展目標(biāo)的前提，展望未來(lái)十年，這些目標(biāo)變得更加緊迫。我們?cè)撊绾巫鳛橐粋€(gè)國(guó)際社會(huì)共同努力?
聯(lián)合國(guó)秘書(shū)長(zhǎng)安東尼奧·古特雷斯將于9月23日在聯(lián)合國(guó)大會(huì)期間主持2019年氣候行動(dòng)峰會(huì)，以提振雄心，增強(qiáng)政治意愿，鼓勵(lì)落實(shí)《巴黎氣候變化協(xié)定》的具體行動(dòng)。首腦會(huì)議將匯集各國(guó)政府、私營(yíng)部門(mén)、民間社會(huì)、地方當(dāng)局和其他國(guó)際組織，在六個(gè)領(lǐng)域制定雄心勃勃的解決辦法：全球范圍內(nèi)向可再生能源過(guò)渡;可持續(xù)和適應(yīng)力強(qiáng)的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施和城市;可持續(xù)農(nóng)業(yè)和森林及海洋管理;對(duì)氣候影響的恢復(fù)力和適應(yīng)能力;公共和私人金融向“凈零”經(jīng)濟(jì)看齊。峰會(huì)要傳遞的信息很明確：我們需要具體、現(xiàn)實(shí)的計(jì)劃，到2020年提高各國(guó)的自主貢獻(xiàn)，在未來(lái)10年將溫室氣體排放量減少45%，到2050年實(shí)現(xiàn)“凈零”排放。
作為世界第二大經(jīng)濟(jì)體，中國(guó)在履行《巴黎協(xié)定》方面發(fā)揮了重要作用，中國(guó)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和承諾對(duì)實(shí)現(xiàn)《巴黎協(xié)定》的目標(biāo)至關(guān)重要。中國(guó)綠色經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展取得了顯著進(jìn)展，2017年可再生能源投資超過(guò)1250億美元。目前，中國(guó)可再生能源新增就業(yè)人數(shù)已超過(guò)石油和天然氣行業(yè)。在十三五計(jì)劃實(shí)施期間，中國(guó)已經(jīng)超額完成目標(biāo)的3%，降低能源強(qiáng)度15%。中國(guó)還是全球率先使用電動(dòng)公交車的國(guó)家，根據(jù)彭博新能源財(cái)經(jīng)研究估計(jì)，18%中國(guó)公交車汽車實(shí)現(xiàn)電氣化。這表明，與之前的五年計(jì)劃目標(biāo)相比，非化石燃料的重要性顯著提高。中國(guó)從發(fā)展可再生能源產(chǎn)業(yè)和綠色經(jīng)濟(jì)中獲益的事實(shí)也為有些人錯(cuò)誤地認(rèn)為經(jīng)濟(jì)的活力和增長(zhǎng)與應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化不可兼得提供了一個(gè)主要的反例。
全球性挑戰(zhàn)向來(lái)不受國(guó)境線的限制，氣候變化這一全球性議題需要在國(guó)際層面協(xié)調(diào)解決方案，要求所有發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家承擔(dān)更大的責(zé)任，發(fā)展中國(guó)家向低碳經(jīng)濟(jì)邁進(jìn)。作為世界上人口最多的國(guó)家和最大的碳排放國(guó)之一，中國(guó)可以在應(yīng)對(duì)全球氣候變化方面發(fā)揮更重要的作用，最大限度地發(fā)揮其巨大的減排潛力，進(jìn)一步加快進(jìn)度。
聯(lián)合國(guó)致力于與中國(guó)政府、私營(yíng)部門(mén)、非政府組織、青年和其他主要利益攸關(guān)方一道，支持中國(guó)減少氣候變化的努力，提高認(rèn)識(shí)，培養(yǎng)下一代氣候領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，并不斷加大對(duì)其他發(fā)展中國(guó)家的支持力度。在各項(xiàng)倡議的支持下，例如一帶一路倡議，聯(lián)合國(guó)和中國(guó)可以緊密合作，充分利用基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施投資，促進(jìn)發(fā)展中國(guó)家從化石燃料密集型的經(jīng)濟(jì)向綠色和低碳經(jīng)濟(jì)的過(guò)渡，確保項(xiàng)目符合可持續(xù)發(fā)展目標(biāo)。南南合作也可以促進(jìn)氣候解決方案的交流，將中國(guó)的成功經(jīng)驗(yàn)推廣到發(fā)展中國(guó)家，并根據(jù)當(dāng)?shù)氐膶?shí)際情況和需求，因地制宜地調(diào)整方法論?？紤]到中國(guó)承諾的規(guī)模，這些全球合作的潛在影響將是巨大的。因此，聯(lián)合國(guó)愿繼續(xù)與中國(guó)保持伙伴關(guān)系，確保將環(huán)境可持續(xù)性、減緩氣候變化和提高適應(yīng)能力置于中國(guó)全球發(fā)展倡議和投資的首位。
如果將氣候行動(dòng)比作一場(chǎng)比賽，那么氣候變化現(xiàn)在的速度比我們快，我們需要更大的決心來(lái)應(yīng)對(duì)這一挑戰(zhàn)，因?yàn)檫@是一場(chǎng)我們能夠而且必須獲勝的比賽。
